The Donroe Doctrine: Power politics in America’s backyard
The name of the new doctrine of American foreign policy toward the Western Hemisphere began as a joke.
The New York Post - owned by Rupert Murdoch and known for its pro-Trump leanings - published a cover featuring a map of North America with a smiling Donald Trump holding a pointer and a gigantic headline: The Donroe Doctrine. The map was redrawn in red Sharpie, mimicking the style the American president is famously known for (though he usually uses black ink). The Gulf of Mexico was renamed the „Gulf of America,” Greenland was labeled „our land,” and Canada was depicted as the 51st state. Remarkably, this was published well before Donald Trump was inaugurated for the second time.
During his transition period, Trump made several statements about the Western Hemisphere that shocked the world. He expressed his desire to incorporate Canada, buy Greenland from Denmark, rename the Gulf of Mexico, and take control of the Panama Canal. At first, these demands were dismissed as rhetoric too extreme to be treated as actual policy positions. This is precisely why The New York Post decided to publish its now-famous cover - to illustrate the scope of the new vision for the Western Hemisphere presented by Donald Trump. It was catchy, controversial, and widely regarded as political fiction.
Around the same time, the president-elect’s son, Donald Trump Jr., led a private - though heavily publicized - mission to Greenland aimed at building a positive attitude toward the incoming administration.
Trump won the White House by promising to stop funding „foreign wars” and by introducing an America First approach to every action of his administration. From this perspective, the first moves of the new president were expected to focus primarily on the economy and migration policy. The latter was, of course, connected to relations with the closest neighbors - Canada and Mexico - but not necessarily with Greenland or the Panama Canal. Trump’s statements regarding potential territorial acquisitions were therefore widely interpreted as attempts to divert attention from the real problems facing the newly forming administration. During his first term, he successfully employed a „flood-the-zone” media strategy: by floating numerous controversial ideas, he kept the media focused on secondary issues while pursuing major policy goals with limited scrutiny.
The second term, however, turned out to be entirely different - and the Donroe Doctrine was no longer a joke. Among his first decisions as president, Donald Trump officially changed the name of the Gulf of Mexico and initiated a short-lived trade war with Mexico and Canada. In addition, the vice president paid a swift and highly controversial visit to Greenland as early as late March. The Donroe Doctrine was no longer political fiction or a provocative newspaper headline - it had become official White House policy.
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From media provocation to official policy
Looking at the first year of his second presidency, Donald Trump made it clear that the United States no longer wished to be perceived as the world’s global policeman. The era of Pax Americana and the unipolar world was over - largely due to a conscious shift in paradigm within American circles of power: the sunset of liberalism and the dawn of power politics.
Donald Trump effectively resurrected the 19th-century Monroe Doctrine, originally formulated when the United States was far from being the dominant global power, yet driven by strong ambition. Its goal was to contain European influence in the Western Hemisphere. The U.S. sought to become a regional power and emphasize the uniqueness of the American experiment, distinct from Europe’s political reality at the time. It was a defensive doctrine: the United States chose to be left alone.
The Roosevelt Corollary later transformed the Monroe Doctrine into a more offensive one. The United States claimed the right to intervene in Latin American countries to protect American interests within the Western Hemisphere. The U.S. moved from a position of demanding to be left alone to one in which no country in Latin America was to be left alone by the United States.
In modern times - especially during the Cold War - the Monroe Doctrine was widely regarded as anachronistic and ill-suited to contemporary challenges. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, it appeared virtually impossible to implement and even laughable in the face of accelerating globalization. It turns out, however, that in the understanding of Donald Trump and his voters, the „America First” approach means precisely a return to the Monroe Doctrine.
The Monroe Doctrine reimagined
This shift was officially declared in the latest National Security Strategy published by the White House in late November and subsequently confirmed by actions - most notably when Donald Trump decided to overthrow Nicolás Maduro by force. While the United States has a long history of more or less overt interventions in Latin America, such actions were traditionally framed in ideological terms. This time, however, the operation was carried out primarily because the United States could do it, illustrating that power politics is thriving. Explaining his decision during a press conference, Trump justified the attack on Venezuela as part of the war on narco-terrorism. From this perspective, he framed the operation not as an attack on a sovereign state, but as an almost internal conflict taking place in „America’s backyard.”
Even though Donald Trump insists on not calling it a precedent, after successfully overthrowing Maduro, the American president began drawing yet another revision of the map of the Western Hemisphere. His next apparent target is Greenland - an autonomous territory of Denmark where the United States maintains a military base under a Cold War–era agreement. Until recently, this scenario belonged firmly in the realm of political fiction. But as Trump demonstrated in Venezuela, the Monroe Doctrine truly applies. It does not matter whether the territory vital to U.S. national security is ruled by a dictator or belongs to a NATO ally. Only U.S. interests count, and international law must give way to ad hoc arrangements made on the spot.
Donald Trump treats foreign policy as a never-ending negotiation. The outcome, however, must be known in advance: his undisputed success. So convinced is he of victory that he is willing to put NATO - as it has existed since its inception - on the line simply to implement the principles of the Monroe Doctrine. Drawing on lessons from his real estate background, Trump has argued that he needs Greenland in order to defend it, and that he can only defend it if he owns it. He illustrates this point by comparing ownership to renting - a metaphor he believes best captures his intentions. He is convinced that, when faced with a choice between preserving NATO and defending Ukraine on the one hand, or maintaining the status quo in Greenland on the other, European countries would ultimately be inclined toward the latter. After all, Greenland is far away from Europe - just as Ukraine is far away from the United States.
The Donroe Doctrine is far more than a rhetorical device. It is a policy directly inspired by the Monroe Doctrine, built on several core assumptions: first, that international law does not meaningfully bind the United States; second, that Europe is weak and that the U.S. is deliberately distancing itself from it; third, that the primary objective is to push other great powers - Russia and China - out of the region; fourth, that its implementation relies on continuous negotiation and gradual escalation of pressure, ranging from political statements and threats to military intervention if necessary; and finally, fifth, that every action undertaken in the name of the Monroe Doctrine must deliver tangible benefits to the United States, measurable in dollars.
